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Iowa

Posted on Jan 4th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
The message out of Iowa last night was crystal-clear . . . The two "change" candidates came in first and second.

Obama's Victory Speech

On to New Hampshire!!!!

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Economists: 'Looking for a Bunker to Hide in'

Posted on Jan 5th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
These are quotes from various economic sources regarding the recent unemployment figures and what this means . . . If you don't want to read all the technical stuff, just know this was not good news . . .

Economists React: ‘Looking for a Bunker to Hide in’

Economists and others weigh in on the weaker-than-expected gain in payrolls and the rise in the unemployment rate.


  • The sharp jump in the unemployment rate — from 4.7% to 5.0% — may be the most alarming feature of this report. Single-month increases that large occur only rarely and most often near business cycle turning points. Indeed, the last time the unemployment rate rose 0.35 in a single month was September 2001. Tellingly, the jobless rate also jumped 0.3% in January of 2001, just before the business cycle peak in March 2001. –David Resler, Nomura Securities


  • The rise in the unemployment rate is very disturbing. Over the last year, the unemployment rate has risen 0.6% points from its low and since 1949 the unemployment rate has never risen by this magnitude without the economy being in recession (this period covers ten recessions). Other economic indicators such as jobless claims and ISM for December are more consistent with sharp slowdown than with recession, but we now put ourselves on recession watch. –Bear Stearns

     


  • This data shows an economy slowing sharply — the first quarter of 2008 is shaping up as a negative quarter for GDP growth — and the risk of recession is rising sharply. At least a [quarter percentage point] rate cut by the Fed on January 30 is a cast-iron certainty, and a [half percentage point] move is now a strong possibility. –Nigel Gault, Global Insight

  • December’s bleak jobs report represents the siren call that this business cycle is just about over. We’re about to tilt over to the other side of the economic curve and begin the downswing. The only real question now is whether the economy will contract for one or two quarters. One thing is fairly certain, though. The Federal Reserve rate is now compelled to cut rates by a [half percentage point] at their January 29-30th meeting — and they may even move earlier than that! –Bernard Baumohl, Economic Outlook Group

  • 2007’s job gain was only about 60% of 2006’s job growth. And job creation has been even slower in more recent months. Some, but not all, of this softness has been due to the decline in housing and the turmoil in the financial markets. More important, the pace of job creation over the past year will be revised down when benchmark revisions are made in February… The slack in the labor market is growing rapidly and will force the FOMC to act again at the end of the month. –Steven A. Wood, Insight Economics


  • Has the economy hit a big pothole or careened into the ditch? We are congenitally inclined toward the bright side of things, so not surprisingly, we’d like to lean in that direction. That being said, we are spooked by this week’s data and very open to a much weaker economic scenario. What is keeping us from a wholesale downgrade of our economic forecast right now? Mainly the fact that consumer spending has been holding up surprisingly well. … If consumer spending collapsed in December in line with the ISM and employment readings, then RBSGC would be inclined to carve up our forecasts for 2008 and start over with much weaker growth and extensive Fed easing. –Stephen Stanley, RBS Greenwich Capital


  • Nearly 70% of the manufacturing industries reduced their workforces. There weren’t a whole lot of job gains in the service sectors. Health care and education, as usual, were strong as well as professional services. On the other hand, retail, transportation, information and financial sectors cut back… Less than one week into the New Year and some may be looking for a bunker to hide in. –Naroff Economic Advisors


  • The construction category posted its second largest monthly decline since 1992. Moreover, the decline in the nonresidential component nearly matched that of the residential sector — the first sign of some potential spillover of the weakness in housing construction to the commercial sector… Today’s report, combined with the recent trend in claims for unemployment insurance, confirms that the job market is losing momentum. That is critically important because income growth tied to the creation of new jobs has been a key source of support for the household sector of the economy over the past four years. –David Greenlaw, Morgan Stanley


  • The fact that the composition of the data is in line with the pattern we would have anticipated suggests that this number shows a real deceleration in hiring rather than a statistical quirk. However, next month should show some payback for retail, as less hiring around the holidays typically means less firings in that sector early in the year. –Drew Matus, Lehman Brothers


  • The gains in services employment away from finance, retail and government were actually rather solid. At the margin, this actually reduces hope for a significant rebound in employment gains in January… The weak December, and better indicators such as unemployment claims, point to a period in which labor markets begin sharing in the pain of the long-building growth slowdown. The rise in the unemployment rate, while perhaps exaggerated on a monthly basis, may easily hurt confidence through news headline effects, and bears watching. To the extent that labor market slack is developing, today’s data will weaken some resistance against action on the part of Fed officials. –Steven Wieting, Citigroup


  • The rise in unemployment hit blacks and Hispanic workers especially hard, with both groups seeing a rise of 0.6 pp in their unemployment rates to 9.0 percent and 6.3 percent, respectively. There continues to be an unusual age pattern to employment trends. Employment for workers over age 55 rose modestly, while reportedly falling by 436,000 for workers under age 55. While this December decline is probably an anomaly, employment for workers under age 55 has fallen by 625,000 over the last year. –Dean Baker, Center for Economic and Policy Research



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    Pre-New Hampshire Poll Summary

    Posted on Jan 6th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
    Change

    Wanted to share this from Political Wire . . .

    " Here's a quick snapshot of the latest New Hampshire primary polls:




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    Barack Obama – The Leader We Need

    Posted on Jan 7th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
    Beautiful_family

    Barack Obama – The Leader We Need

    By Dr. Michael Maccoby

     

    Candidates in the primaries argue about whether experience or leadership for change is more important for a president.  What I learned when I spoke at Google headquarters in Mountain View, California last month is that the young professionals there recognize  that profound social change is already taking place.  They want leaders at work and in Washington who understand the evolving world and make them collaborators in creating a better future.  Experience without foresight and purpose is a drag, not a value.

      

    Starting in the 1970s, people like the Googlers have been growing up in a world that has shaped them differently from their parents who were raised in the 1950s and 1960s. Then, most families were headed by a sole male wage earner.  Today, typically both parents work, and more families are headed by a single woman than there are traditional families. Then, large national corporations promised lifetime employment.  Now, global companies can’t promise employment and employees are no longer loyal.  Then, managers were almost all white men and the leadership model was paternalistic.  Now, young professionals reject autocratic leaders and have worked for all types of bosses.  Then, only researchers and financial companies used computers.  Now, computers and the internet have transformed work, products, personal interactions, access to information, and knowledge creation.  Then managers knew subordinates’ jobs better than they did. Now, with the rapid advance of knowledge, subordinates often know more. What they seek in a leader is authenticity and a clear sense of purpose that is meaningful to them…so much for experience.

     

    The result has been the emergence of a new social character which I call interactive in contrast to the bureaucratic social character that dominated the last century.  When I described interactives, my listeners at Google recognized themselves. All the presidential candidates had visited Google, and almost all said they most liked Barack Obama.  I asked why, and the answer was that he understood the challenges of the global economy. Obama emphasized America’s need  to provide opportunity, not by walling off the country, but by supporting education and innovation.  They agreed with him that government had a role in funding scientific research, especially to protect the environment and gain energy independence.  They saw Obama as inviting them to be collaborators, not followers.  Their views reminded me of an American president, also from Illinois, whose limited government experience was a brief time in the state legislature and one term in Congress.  As president, he grew in office and had the foresight that the growing industry of America needed government to support railroads and technical colleges. And he inspired people with a vision of realizing the promise of the Declaration of Independence.  Of course, I was thinking of Abraham Lincoln.  

     

    =======================================================

    The Leaders We Need: And What Makes Us Follow
    By Dr. Michael Maccoby  
    Harvard Business School Press, November 6, 2007

    The Maccoby Group, PC
    4825 Linnean Avenue, NW
    Washington, DC 20008

    202-895-8922 (work)

    202-895-8923 (fax)

    http://www.maccoby.com/

    Email:  mm@maccoby.com


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    Final Marist Poll before New Hampshire

    Posted on Jan 7th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
    Compassion

    The polls keep coming!  Lots of data . . .

     

    "Democratic Presidential Primary 2008

    ·                  Barack Obama leads among likely Democratic primary voters in New Hampshire:  After a decisive win in Iowa, Barack Obama is positioned to win the New Hampshire Democratic Presidential Primary.  36% of likely Democratic presidential primary voters including those currently leaning towards a candidate support Senator Obama followed by 28% for Senator Clinton and 22% for former Senator John Edwards."

     "Who’s supporting whom?  Barack Obama runs up the score with the support of 43% of independents likely to vote in the New Hampshire Democratic Presidential Primary.  He does not do as well against Hillary Clinton among registered Democrats.  Obama outpaces Clinton among men 37% to 21% and is closely matched with Clinton among women voters.  Nearly one in five likely Democratic primary voters has never before voted in New Hampshire’s Democratic Primary.  Obama receives the support of 49% of first time voters compared with 20% for Clinton.  He also outdistances her among voters under 45 years of age by nearly two to one."

     

    "Intensity of Support:  Overall, 78% of likely New Hampshire Democratic Presidential Primary voters strongly support a candidate for their party’s nomination for president.  88% of likely voters who back Hillary Clinton say they are strongly committed to her.   This compares with 77% of Barack Obama’s supporters who are firmly committed to him and 70% of John Edwards’ voters who strongly back their candidate."

     

    "The Democratic Primary Electorate

    ·                     The Voters’ Agenda:  The number one quality Democratic primary voters are looking for in a presidential candidate continues to be someone who can bring about change.  29% of likely Democratic primary voters want a presidential candidate who is an agent of change followed by 24% of voters who are looking for a candidate who is closer to them on the issues.  15% want a candidate who shares their values, 14% want a strong leader, and 13% are looking for a candidate with experience."

     

    "The Voters’ Priorities:  The economy is now the number one issue on the minds of likely New Hampshire Democratic Presidential Primary voters.  30% of likely voters are most concerned about the economy followed by 22% who mention health care, and 20% who cite the war in Iraq as the most important issue."

     

    "Electability:  For the first time, more likely Democratic presidential primary voters think Barack Obama not Hillary Clinton has the best chance of beating the Republican candidate for president in November.  42% think Obama is most the most electable Democratic presidential candidate compared with 34% who believe Clinton is."

     

    Read the whole thing @ maristpoll.com

     

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    Perspective on New Hampshire

    Posted on Jan 9th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
    My preferred candidate came in second yesterday in New Hampshire . . . but I'm still upbeat today for a number of reasons.

    First of all, if Hillary Clinton gets the nomination . . . I'll vote for her.  No problem.  I'd prefer Obama, Edwards, or Richardson, but she'll do just fine.

    Second, It should be noted that the top two winners of New Hampshire were . . . a woman . . . and a non-white man.  If that isn't way, way cool, I don't know what is!!!!

    And third, look at the numbers . . .

                            Clinton                  39%      112,238 votes
                            Obama                  36%     104,757 votes
                            McCain                  37%       88,447 votes

    The Democratic candidate who came in second place . . . received more votes than the Republican candidate who came in first.

    That speaks volumes . . .

    Hold on to your hats, ladies and gents, we're in for a wild ride . . .
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    Concession Speech

    Posted on Jan 9th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith

    Worth watching and reading (transcript below) . . .

    Obama New Hampshire Primary Concession Speech


    "I want to congratulate Senator Clinton on a hard-fought victory here in New Hampshire.

    A few weeks ago, no one imagined that we’d have accomplished what we did here tonight. For most of this campaign, we were far behind, and we always knew our climb would be steep.

    But in record numbers, you came out and spoke up for change. And with your voices and your votes, you made it clear that at this moment - in this election - there is something happening in America.

    There is something happening when men and women in Des Moines and Davenport; in Lebanon and Concord come out in the snows of January to wait in lines that stretch block after block because they believe in what this country can be.

    There is something happening when Americans who are young in age and in spirit - who have never before participated in politics - turn out in numbers we’ve never seen because they know in their hearts that this time must be different.

    There is something happening when people vote not just for the party they belong to but the hopes they hold in common - that whether we are rich or poor; black or white; Latino or Asian; whether we hail from Iowa or New Hampshire, Nevada or South Carolina, we are ready to take this country in a fundamentally new direction. That is what’s happening in America right now. Change is what’s happening in America.

    You can be the new majority who can lead this nation out of a long political darkness - Democrats, Independents and Republicans who are tired of the division and distraction that has clouded Washington; who know that we can disagree without being disagreeable; who understand that if we mobilize our voices to challenge the money and influence that’s stood in our way and challenge ourselves to reach for something better, there’s no problem we can’t solve - no destiny we cannot fulfill.

    Our new American majority can end the outrage of unaffordable, unavailable health care in our time. We can bring doctors and patients; workers and businesses, Democrats and Republicans together; and we can tell the drug and insurance industry that while they’ll get
    a seat at the table, they don’t get to buy every chair. Not this time. Not now.

    Our new majority can end the tax breaks for corporations that ship our jobs overseas and put a middle-class tax cut into the pockets of the working Americans who deserve it.

    We can stop sending our children to schools with corridors of shame and start putting them on a pathway to success. We can stop talking about how great teachers are and start rewarding them for their greatness. We can do this with our new majority.

    We can harness the ingenuity of farmers and scientists; citizens and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil and save our planet from a point of no return.

    And when I am President, we will end this war in Iraq and bring our troops home; we will finish the job against al Qaeda in Afghanistan; we will care for our veterans; we will restore our moral standing in the world; and we will never use 9/11 as a way to scare up votes, because it is not a tactic to win an election, it is a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century: terrorism and nuclear weapons; climate change and poverty; genocide and disease.

    All of the candidates in this race share these goals. All have good ideas. And all are patriots who serve this country honorably.

    But the reason our campaign has always been different is because it’s not just about what I will do as President, it’s also about what you, the people who love this country, can do to change it.

    That’s why tonight belongs to you. It belongs to the organizers and the volunteers and the staff who believed in our improbable journey and rallied so many others to join.

    We know the battle ahead will be long, but always remember that no matter what obstacles stand in our way, nothing can withstand the power of millions of voices calling for change.

    We have been told we cannot do this by a chorus of cynics who will only grow louder and more dissonant in the weeks to come. We’ve been asked to pause for a reality check. We’ve been warned against offering the people of this nation false hope.

    But in the unlikely story that is America, there has never been anything false about hope. For when we have faced down impossible odds; when we’ve been told that we’re not ready, or that we shouldn’t try, or that we can’t, generations of Americans have responded with a simple creed that sums up the spirit of a people.

    Yes we can.

    It was a creed written into the founding documents that declared the destiny of a nation.

    Yes we can.

    It was whispered by slaves and abolitionists as they blazed a trail toward freedom through the darkest of nights.

    Yes we can.

    It was sung by immigrants as they struck out from distant shores and pioneers who pushed westward against an unforgiving wilderness.

    Yes we can.

    It was the call of workers who organized; women who reached for the ballot; a President who chose the moon as our new frontier; and a King who took us to the mountaintop and pointed the way to the Promised Land.

    Yes we can to justice and equality. Yes we can to opportunity and prosperity. Yes we can heal this nation. Yes we can repair this world. Yes we can.

    And so tomorrow, as we take this campaign South and West; as we learn that the struggles of the textile worker in Spartanburg are not so different than the plight of the dishwasher in Las Vegas; that the hopes of the little girl who goes to a crumbling school in Dillon are the same as the dreams of the boy who learns on the streets of LA; we will remember that there is something happening in America; that we are not as divided as our politics suggests; that we are one people; we are one nation; and together, we will begin the next great chapter in America’s story with three words that will ring from coast to coast; from sea to shining sea - Yes. We. Can."


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    My Money's on Obama

    Posted on Jan 11th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
    Iowa_win
    Last updated January 10, 2008 3:33 p.m. PT

    My money's on Obama

    STANLEY CROUCH

    It is highly possible that Barack Obama's victory in Iowa could reignite the kind of American optimism that filled the air during John Kennedy's campaign in 1960. Many thought that Kennedy embodied the youthful vigor of the nation and could convince Americans that they were capable of doing anything. In other words, "The difficult can be done right away, but the impossible will take a little while longer."

    Obama's victory was a reiteration of the grandest goals of the civil-rights movement, which simply come down to the content of one's character rather than the color of one's skin.

    He is not running as a "black" candidate, even though The New York Times writer assigned to cover him wrote that very thing in his opening paragraph on Obama's triumph in Iowa.

    Obama is running as an American candidate, and it is high time for that to be the primary identity of a presidential hopeful. After all, no one other than Obama is constantly discussed in ethnic terms. No one thought to write of Mike Huckabee that, once again, there was an upset by a white candidate who was seeking to continue the tradition of white men in the Oval Office.

    This doesn't mean that Obama does not know what he is, and it doesn't mean that he is trying to "make white people comfortable" as black national airheads would say simply because -- like the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and many educated black people -- he can speak the English language correctly and doesn't present himself as a perpetually alienated person in the face of "white values." What has touched people and spoken to them with such power is his call for common goals and voting with one's mind rather than one's eyes. That is fully an American ideal.

    In his Iowa victory speech, he showed that he is clearly aware of the fact that the American epic is inclusive. Without a bit of sentimentality, Obama made it clear that everything in the high points of our history was upheld by fierce hope that met strong opposition and did not give in.

    With these simple but powerful words, Obama rewrote the meaning of our moment:

    "Hope is what led a band of colonists to rise up against an empire; what led the greatest of generations to free a continent and heal a nation; what led young men and women to sit at lunch counters and brave fire hoses and march through Selma and Montgomery for freedom's cause.

    "Hope is what led me here today -- with a father from Kenya, a mother from Kansas and a story that could only happen in the United States of America. It is the bedrock of this nation: the belief that our destiny will not be written for us, but by us; by all those men and women who are not content to settle for the world as it is; who have the courage to remake the world as it should be."

    Some familiar faces of the civil-rights establishment actually did Obama a big favor by supporting Hillary Clinton; their decision made more clear the nature of his independence.

    America has been waiting a long time for this, for a person who is from a so-called minority group but speaks for everyone and makes everyone feel that, as Billie Holiday once said, "We are all in the same storm."

    There is a clear chance now for Obama to become president, which would shove a well-needed rag in the cynical mouths of those who would count this country out. His victory would also give many at the bottom the necessary proof they may need to believe they can rise far from where they are. What he can do for the country at large is bring a belief that we can actually handle our many problems and do more than cover them over with empty rhetoric. My money is on him and on what he means to all of us.



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    Fresh candidates and an open field inspire new crop of voters

    Posted on Jan 15th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith


    Election 2008

    Fresh candidates and an open field inspire new crop of voters

    Seattle Times staff reporter

    Danielle Pattalochi had never taken much interest in presidential politics. In past elections, she never found a candidate who moved her.

    Now Pattalochi has become a self-described political junkie and a devoted follower of Sen. Barack Obama. How devoted? Last summer she paid for personalized license plates that read "OBAMA08."

    "It's almost like a religious experience where you feel connected and you say, 'Wow, this man represents my heart,' " says Pattalochi, 31, of West Seattle.

    Finding former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee was a religious experience for Tricia Farr of Olympia. She first heard of Huckabee in September, when she saw him on a nationally televised "Values Voters Presidential Debate."

    "I prayed and I asked God who he would have and it was clear to me that it was Mike Huckabee," says Farr, 31, a stay-at-home mother of three.

    Now she is working hard to spread the word about her candidate. And though she's never even attended a presidential caucus, she is planning to host one in her home next month.

    Every presidential election seems to reawaken a portion of the slumbering, disengaged or disenfranchised electorate.

    But this election — at least at this early stage — seems different. How else to explain the huge turnout recently by voters in Iowa and New Hampshire?

    Part of it is simply the fact that, with wide-open races on both the Democratic and Republican sides of the ticket, there are more candidates — and more diversity among the candidates — than usual.

    The top tier includes a woman (Hillary Clinton), an African American (Obama), a Mormon (Mitt Romney), a former Baptist preacher (Huckabee) and a war hero (John McCain).

    Some candidates in particular are attracting voters who, for a variety of reasons, had lost interest.

    Obama, for instance, has found a way to fire up the famously fickle youth vote. Huckabee is connecting with evangelical and social-conservative voters. And Congressman Ron Paul's anti-war, anti-establishment themes are winning the hearts of disillusioned voters across the political spectrum.

    But it's not just the candidates and their messages, says University of Washington political scientist Bryan Jones. There is a hunger born of a deep and widespread dissatisfaction, the likes of which pollsters haven't seen since at least the 1970s, Jones says.

    "This is a very unhappy country," he says.

    Pattalochi says she had always viewed politics as a "big charade." She believed most politicians were either corrupt or merely consumed with self-interest. She says she voted in past presidential elections, but mostly out of dislike for one candidate, rather than passion for another.

    When Pattalochi heard Obama was running for president, she says, "It was like ice water in the desert." She had learned about Obama five years ago when she read his first book, "Dreams From My Father."

    Pattalochi makes her living doing makeup for weddings and other events. She says that before Obama came along, she spent much of her spare time watching the Food Network.

    Now, she says, she is usually glued to channels such as CNN and C-SPAN, trying to keep up on the latest news about Obama and the presidential race.

    Obama also is making a big impression on her 13-year-old son, Chance — who, like Obama, is half African American. Chance went with her to see him speak last summer in Seattle. Now he goes to school with an Obama sticker on his notebook and wearing one of his two Obama T-shirts.

    "If Barack Obama wins, it will be a great thing, because I won't feel like a fraud anymore when I say that we live in the greatest country in the world," Pattalochi says.

    Kelly Drake, vice chairwoman of the King County Young Democrats, says Obama's message is resonating with young voters because he is convincing them they will have a say in fixing the country.

    "He uses 'you' and 'we' in a very, very active way — 'We can effect change. You can do this,' " Drake says. "As opposed to — 'When I'm in office, I'm going to do this for you.' "

    Jones, the political scientist, compares Obama's dream-big rhetoric to that of Bobby Kennedy in the late '60s. Pattalochi agrees.

    "I always thought it was kind of silly how people romanticized those politicians," she says. "Now I understand. ... He inspires me to want to be a good person and to make this world a better place."

    Molly Meggysey, a 30-year-old executive assistant from Seattle, says she too recently experienced a political epiphany, when she first saw Ron Paul on a YouTube video.

    "He was just so genuine, so logical," Meggysey says. "And he was saying all the things that I've been thinking."

    She says Paul is the only candidate who has the backbone to get the U.S. out of the war in Iraq, put an end to illegal wiretapping by the government and restore the balance of powers called for in the Constitution.

    Meggysey, who used to consider herself a Democrat, says that before discovering Paul she had become thoroughly jaded about politics and had decided to "tune it all out."

    Now, she is helping organize sign-waving and caucus-training events. Because so many Paul supporters are like her — people who had lost interest in politics — Meggysey says she has been working to make sure their voter registrations are up to date.

    Jones says that aside from coming across as a "fresh and honest voice," Paul is appealing to a lot of people because his libertarian platform calls for keeping the federal government out of most social issues.

    Many people "are sick and tired of having social issues crammed in their faces," Jones says.

    For Farr, however, social issues such as abortion and gay marriage are largely what drew her to Huckabee.

    "I see a lot of changes happening, for instance, the homosexual agenda," Farr says. "Things like that where I feel I need to have a say in what's going on."

    Since becoming a Christian in 1996, Farr says, she had been "kind of under an impression that Christians just stayed out of politics." But she says Huckabee's campaign has set her straight on that.

    "He's not afraid to speak about his faith," Farr says. "Like he says, you don't just tuck your religion in your back pocket. It's part of you."

    Farr and her husband, an Army officer at Fort Lewis, home-school their children. Now she has turned their home into a makeshift campaign office. Farr, who recently became a Republican Party precinct-committee officer, spends hours online organizing Huckabee Meet-up groups and keeps stacks of her Huckabee placards, fliers and stickers in an old Pampers diaper box.

    For newly impassioned voters like Pattalochi and Farr, there's a lot at stake these next several weeks.

    If Huckabee doesn't win the Republican nomination and make it onto the November ballot, Farr says she might still vote but knows her heart won't be in it.

    And if Obama doesn't make it through?

    "I don't think I'll vote," Pattalochi says. "Because I know nothing will change."

    Ralph Thomas: 360-943-9882 or rthomas@seattletimes.com




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    MLK Speech

    Posted on Jan 21st, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith


    This is a speech Barack Obama gave at the church of Dr. Martin Luther King in Atlanta Georgia Sunday, January 20, 2008.

    You can watch the video here.

    This is the transcript . . .

    The Great Need of the Hour
    Atlanta, GA | January 20, 2008

    The Scripture tells us that when Joshua and the Israelites arrived at the gates of Jericho, they could not enter. The walls of the city were too steep for any one person to climb; too strong to be taken down with brute force. And so they sat for days, unable to pass on through.

    But God had a plan for his people. He told them to stand together and march together around the city, and on the seventh day he told them that when they heard the sound of the ram's horn, they should speak with one voice. And at the chosen hour, when the horn sounded and a chorus of voices cried out together, the mighty walls of Jericho came tumbling down.

    There are many lessons to take from this passage, just as there are many lessons to take from this day, just as there are many memories that fill the space of this church. As I was thinking about which ones we need to remember at this hour, my mind went back to the very beginning of the modern Civil Rights Era.

    Because before Memphis and the mountaintop; before the bridge in Selma and the march on Washington; before Birmingham and the beatings; the fire hoses and the loss of those four little girls; before there was King the icon and his magnificent dream, there was King the young preacher and a people who found themselves suffering under the yoke of oppression.

    And on the eve of the bus boycotts in Montgomery, at a time when many were still doubtful about the possibilities of change, a time when those in the black community mistrusted themselves, and at times mistrusted each other, King inspired with words not of anger, but of an urgency that still speaks to us today:

    "Unity is the great need of the hour" is what King said. Unity is how we shall overcome.

    What Dr. King understood is that if just one person chose to walk instead of ride the bus, those walls of oppression would not be moved. But maybe if a few more walked, the foundation might start to shake. If a few more women were willing to do what Rosa Parks had done, maybe the cracks would start to show. If teenagers took freedom rides from North to South, maybe a few bricks would come loose. Maybe if white folks marched because they had come to understand that their freedom too was at stake in the impending battle, the wall would begin to sway. And if enough Americans were awakened to the injustice; if they joined together, North and South, rich and poor, Christian and Jew, then perhaps that wall would come tumbling down, and justice would flow like water, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

    Unity is the great need of the hour -- the great need of this hour. Not because it sounds pleasant or because it makes us feel good, but because it's the only way we can overcome the essential deficit that exists in this country.

    I'm not talking about a budget deficit. I'm not talking about a trade deficit. I'm not talking about a deficit of good ideas or new plans.

    I'm talking about a moral deficit. I'm talking about an empathy deficit. I'm taking about an inability to recognize ourselves in one another; to understand that we are our brother's keeper; we are our sister's keeper; that, in the words of Dr. King, we are all tied together in a single garment of destiny.

    We have an empathy deficit when we're still sending our children down corridors of shame -- schools in the forgotten corners of America where the color of your skin still affects the content of your education.

    We have a deficit when CEOs are making more in ten minutes than some workers make in ten months; when families lose their homes so that lenders make a profit; when mothers can't afford a doctor when their children get sick.

    We have a deficit in this country when there is Scooter Libby justice for some and Jena justice for others; when our children see nooses hanging from a schoolyard tree today, in the present, in the twenty-first century.

    We have a deficit when homeless veterans sleep on the streets of our cities; when innocents are slaughtered in the deserts of Darfur; when young Americans serve tour after tour of duty in a war that should've never been authorized and never been waged.

    And we have a deficit when it takes a breach in our levees to reveal a breach in our compassion; when it takes a terrible storm to reveal the hungry that God calls on us to feed; the sick He calls on us to care for; the least of these He commands that we treat as our own.

    So we have a deficit to close. We have walls -- barriers to justice and equality -- that must come down. And to do this, we know that unity is the great need of this hour.

    Unfortunately, all too often when we talk about unity in this country, we've come to believe that it can be purchased on the cheap. We've come to believe that racial reconciliation can come easily -- that it's just a matter of a few ignorant people trapped in the prejudices of the past, and that if the demagogues and those who exploit our racial divisions will simply go away, then all our problems would be solved.

    All too often, we seek to ignore the profound institutional barriers that stand in the way of ensuring opportunity for all children, or decent jobs for all people, or health care for those who are sick. We long for unity, but are unwilling to pay the price.

    But of course, true unity cannot be so easily won. It starts with a change in attitudes -- a broadening of our minds, and a broadening of our hearts.

    It's not easy to stand in somebody else's shoes. It's not easy to see past our differences. We've all encountered this in our own lives. But what makes it even more difficult is that we have a politics in this country that seeks to drive us apart -- that puts up walls between us.

    We are told that those who differ from us on a few things are different from us on all things; that our problems are the fault of those who don't think like us or look like us or come from where we do. The welfare queen is taking our tax money. The immigrant is taking our jobs. The believer condemns the non-believer as immoral, and the non-believer chides the believer as intolerant.

    For most of this country's history, we in the African-American community have been at the receiving end of man's inhumanity to man. And all of us understand intimately the insidious role that race still sometimes plays -- on the job, in the schools, in our health care system, and in our criminal justice system.

    And yet, if we are honest with ourselves, we must admit that none of our hands are entirely clean. If we're honest with ourselves, we'll acknowledge that our own community has not always been true to King's vision of a beloved community.

    We have scorned our gay brothers and sisters instead of embracing them. The scourge of anti-Semitism has, at times, revealed itself in our community. For too long, some of us have seen immigrants as competitors for jobs instead of companions in the fight for opportunity.

    Every day, our politics fuels and exploits this kind of division across all races and regions; across gender and party. It is played out on television. It is sensationalized by the media. And last week, it even crept into the campaign for President, with charges and counter-charges that served to obscure the issues instead of illuminating the critical choices we face as a nation.

    So let us say that on this day of all days, each of us carries with us the task of changing our hearts and minds. The division, the stereotypes, the scape-goating, the ease with which we blame our plight on others -- all of this distracts us from the common challenges we face -- war and poverty; injustice and inequality. We can no longer afford to build ourselves up by tearing someone else down. We can no longer afford to traffic in lies or fear or hate. It is the poison that we must purge from our politics; the wall that we must tear down before the hour grows too late.

    Because if Dr. King could love his jailor; if he could call on the faithful who once sat where you do to forgive those who set dogs and fire hoses upon them, then surely we can look past what divides us in our time, and bind up our wounds, and erase the empathy deficit that exists in our hearts.

    But if changing our hearts and minds is the first critical step, we cannot stop there. It is not enough to bemoan the plight of poor children in this country and remain unwilling to push our elected officials to provide the resources to fix our schools. It is not enough to decry the disparities of health care and yet allow the insurance companies and the drug companies to block much-needed reforms. It is not enough for us to abhor the costs of a misguided war, and yet allow ourselves to be driven by a politics of fear that sees the threat of attack as way to scare up votes instead of a call to come together around a common effort.

    The Scripture tells us that we are judged not just by word, but by deed. And if we are to truly bring about the unity that is so crucial in this time, we must find it within ourselves to act on what we know; to understand that living up to this country's ideals and its possibilities will require great effort and resources; sacrifice and stamina.

    And that is what is at stake in the great political debate we are having today. The changes that are needed are not just a matter of tinkering at the edges, and they will not come if politicians simply tell us what we want to hear. All of us will be called upon to make some sacrifice. None of us will be exempt from responsibility. We will have to fight to fix our schools, but we will also have to challenge ourselves to be better parents. We will have to confront the biases in our criminal justice system, but we will also have to acknowledge the deep-seated violence that still resides in our own communities and marshal the will to break its grip.

    That is how we will bring about the change we seek. That is how Dr. King led this country through the wilderness. He did it with words -- words that he spoke not just to the children of slaves, but the children of slave owners. Words that inspired not just black but also white; not just the Christian but the Jew; not just the Southerner but also the Northerner.

    He led with words, but he also led with deeds. He also led by example. He led by marching and going to jail and suffering threats and being away from his family. He led by taking a stand against a war, knowing full well that it would diminish his popularity. He led by challenging our economic structures, understanding that it would cause discomfort. Dr. King understood that unity cannot be won on the cheap; that we would have to earn it through great effort and determination.

    That is the unity -- the hard-earned unity -- that we need right now. It is that effort, and that determination, that can transform blind optimism into hope -- the hope to imagine, and work for, and fight for what seemed impossible before.

    The stories that give me such hope don't happen in the spotlight. They don't happen on the presidential stage. They happen in the quiet corners of our lives. They happen in the moments we least expect. Let me give you an example of one of those stories.

    There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organizes for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She's been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and the other day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

    And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

    She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

    She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

    So Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

    By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

    But it is where we begin. It is why the walls in that room began to crack and shake.

    And if they can shake in that room, they can shake in Atlanta.

    And if they can shake in Atlanta, they can shake in Georgia.

    And if they can shake in Georgia, they can shake all across America. And if enough of our voices join together; we can bring those walls tumbling down. The walls of Jericho can finally come tumbling down. That is our hope -- but only if we pray together, and work together, and march together.

    Brothers and sisters, we cannot walk alone.

    In the struggle for peace and justice, we cannot walk alone.

    In the struggle for opportunity and equality, we cannot walk alone

    In the struggle to heal this nation and repair this world, we cannot walk alone.

    So I ask you to walk with me, and march with me, and join your voice with mine, and together we will sing the song that tears down the walls that divide us, and lift up an America that is truly indivisible, with liberty, and justice, for all. May God bless the memory of the great pastor of this church, and may God bless the United States of America.
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    Bank of the South

    Posted on Jan 22nd, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith


    I wonder why this could be important? . . .

    News > January 22, 2008

    Latin America Banks on Independence

    The new Bank of the South shatters neoliberal economics

    By Mark Engler

    Latin American leaders launched the Bank of the South at a ceremony in Buenos Aires on Dec. 9, 2007. The back will support regional development in order to wean the region of institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

    In the closing weeks of 2007, a region in revolt against the economics of corporate globalization issued its most unified declaration of independence to date.

    On Dec. 9, standing before the flags of their countries, the presidents of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Paraguay and Venezuela, along with a representative from Uruguay, gathered in Buenos Aires and signed the founding charter of the Banco del Sur, or the Bank of the South.

    The Bank of the South will allow participating governments to use a percentage of their collective currency reserves to strengthen Latin America’s economy and promote cooperative development. It plans to begin lending as early as 2008 with around $7 billion in capital.

    By itself, the bank represents a serious challenge to U.S.-dominated institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). As part of a larger trend, it signals a major break from the policies of “free trade” neoliberalism that dominated in the region throughout the ’80s and ’90s.

    The Bank of the South’s creators are keenly aware of the significance of this break. In the words of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, the bank is “aimed at freeing us from the chains of dependence and underdevelopment.” Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa concurred, arguing that with the bank, “South American nations will be able to put an end to their political and financial dependence that they have had with the neoliberal model.”

    Officially, the international financial institutions are keeping their tone upbeat. On Dec. 11, IMF Director General Dominique Strauss-Kahn told Agence France-Presse that the new bank is “not a problem; it’s maybe an opportunity.” Similarly, Augusto de la Torre, World Bank chief economist for Latin America, said, “As far as the World Bank is concerned, this new initiative is not perceived as a competitor.”

    But in March 2007, as Latin American leaders were first discussing the creation of a new body, one anonymous insider at the neoliberal IDB told the Financial Times that the Bank of the South represented the largest threat to his institution in decades. “With the money of Venezuela and political will of Argentina and Brazil, this is a bank that could have lots of money and a different political approach,” he explained. “No one will say this publicly, but we don’t like it.”

    Breaking Washington’s hold

    There is good reason for those invested in the Washington Consensus to dislike the Bank of the South. In recent decades, the IMF, the World Bank and the multilateral regional banks have largely controlled poorer countries’ access to credit and development financing. These institutions allowed developing countries to avoid defaulting on their debt, provided funds in some difficult times and gave a nod of approval to private creditors. But the price the countries paid in return was steep.

    In order to stay in their good graces, developing nations have had to privatize industries, open markets to foreign businesses, liberalize capital flows, keep monetary policy tight and implement fiscal austerity (that is, cut needed social services for their people). In the end, such policies proved disastrous in Latin America.

    Per capita GDP, which had been growing at a steady rate throughout the ’60s and ’70s, grew hardly at all in the subsequent two decades of neoliberalism. During the latter period, the region also developed some of the highest levels of inequality in the world.

    The Bank of the South would work to remedy this situation. Unlike the preexisting financial institutions, the new bank will be run by Latin American countries themselves, will not be dominated by any single nation and will be free to support development approaches that are much more sensitive to the needs of the poor.

    A May 2007 statement of South American finance ministers affirmed that the new bank and other mechanisms of regional integration “must be based on democratic, transparent and participatory schemes that are responsible to their constituencies.”

    With the exception of Paraguay’s Nicanor Duarte Fruto, each of the Latin American leaders involved in the Bank of the South was elected in recent years on a mandate to split from Washington. Well aware of the failures of economic neoliberalism in the region, and under pressure from an enlivened citizenry, the bank’s members have outraged the international business press by working to do just that.

    Several governments have moved to free themselves of direct oversight from the IMF by repaying loans early. In December 2005, Argentina and Brazil announced that they would pay off $9.8 billion and $15.5 billion, respectively. The IMF, which benefits from interest payments on long-term loans, was nonplussed.

    Argentina, which was a model of the IMF during the ’90s and suffered severe economic collapse in 2001, vocally declared good riddance. Then-President Néstor Kirchner triumphantly proclaimed that throwing off the chains of IMF debt constituted a move toward “political sovereignty and economic independence.”

    Since then, Latin American governments have been one-upping each other in their acts of defiance.

    In Bolivia, upon taking office in 2006, President Evo Morales announced he would let the country’s standing loan agreement with the IMF expire. In May 2007, he declared Bolivia would withdraw from a World Bank arbitration center that handles investment disputes, usually favoring corporate interests. Nicaragua has similarly rejected the authority of the center.

    Correa topped them by ejecting the World Bank’s representative to Ecuador in April 2007. He declared the officer a persona non grata in the country, insisting, “We will not stand for extortion by this international bureaucracy.”

    That same month, Chávez announced that Venezuela would withdraw from membership in the IMF and World Bank altogether. While the country is still working out the details of this move, the prospect is unprecedented in the era of corporate globalization.

    The ability of oil-rich Venezuela to provide its neighbors with financing they previously might have needed to beg for from Washington is a significant factor in their willingness to break with the IMF and World Bank. Venezuela has offered billions in support to countries—including Argentina, Bolivia and Ecuador—and those backup funds make many countries less susceptible to threats of capital flight than in the past. Along with investments from China and India, it dramatically reduces Washington’s ability to starve dissident leaders of financial resources when governments grow, in its view, disobedient. The Bank of the South will help to formalize a source of alternative finance and place it under regional control.

    Rude awakenings

    The establishment of the Bank of the South comes at a particularly bad time for the IMF. The institution’s troubles were brought into relief at its annual fall meetings in mid-October, after which the Washington Post contended, “the International Monetary Fund needs restructuring, and maybe a bailout.”

    IMF lending has plummeted in recent years, as its supposed beneficiaries have launched a rebellion. Cutting ties with the fund is not just a Latin American phenomenon. Russia, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines have also pursued strategies of early debt repayment. Many Asian countries that were burned by the region’s neoliberal financial crisis in 1997 are building large cash reserves to prevent a return to the IMF in times of economic downturn, and they have recently worked on creating a regional currency exchange that will further increase their distance from Washington.

    These developments are sapping both the IMF’s influence and its cash flow. Its loan portfolio has dwindled from nearly $100 billion in 2004 to around $20 billion today. A single country, Turkey, now accounts for the bulk of its lending. The IMF has lost almost all influence in Latin America, with lending there plummeting to a paltry $50 million, less than 1 percent of its global loan portfolio. As recently as 2005, the region had accounted for 80 percent of its outstanding loans.

    Deprived of lucrative interest payments from poorer countries, the IMF is now desperately trying to meet its $1 billion administrative budget without dipping into its gold reserves. In stark contrast to the triumphalist pronouncements made in past fall meetings, in 2007 the IMF’s newly installed Dominique Strauss-Kahn confessed that “downsizing is on the table” for the institution.

    Ignoring the wider picture, pro-free trade pundits have generally responded to the Bank of the South by minimizing its significance and predicting failure. The Wall Street Journal characterized the bank as but one of Hugo Chávez’s many madcap schemes, insisting that it is “unlikely to live up to his grandiose vision.” Meanwhile the Economist asserted, “The IMF can sleep easy.” It pointed out that the Bank of the South’s founding agreement lacked many details about its governance and lending policies, and that disagreements persist among the region’s key players.

    It is true that Latin America has a history of internal disputes thwarting dreams of regional unity—and that quarrels persist today. While Venezuela and Ecuador have pushed for the bank to have a far-reaching mandate, Brazil prefers a more modest institution. To the disappointment of many of his progressive supporters, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has adhered to conservative economic policies designed to keep Brazil in good standing with foreign creditors. The country also runs a large internal development bank, which loaned $38 billion in 2007 to fund national projects. Therefore, Brazil has less to gain directly from making the Bank of the South into a robust regional lender.

    Activists, while generally positive, have expressed some concerns. Environmentalists worry the Bank of the South, while more democratically managed than its counterparts in Washington, may nevertheless develop a similarly destructive record of funding large-scale, ecologically harmful construction projects.

    Other progressives, ranging from the members of the Jubilee South coalition to Cuban commentator Eduardo Dimas, have argued that the institution must go beyond traditional development lending to support such measures as land reform, a common regional currency and projects explicitly designed to promote political solidarity in the region. These would more closely link the bank with the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), an initiative through which the Venezuelan government has paid for Cuban doctors to provide services in the region and has promoted other forms of mutual assistance.

    Reservations about the Bank of the South’s mandate, however, should not obscure the swiftness and severity of Latin America’s assault on the international financial institutions.

    Chávez first floated the idea of the bank in 2006, and the speed at which it has come into existence has been shocking. The widespread support within Latin America for independent bodies such as the new bank suggests that the days when the United States could act as an economic overseer dictating policy for countries across the globe are coming to an end.

    Upon the inauguration of the Bank of the South, even Lula da Silva delivered a message of defiance to the North. “Developing nations must create their own mechanisms of finance,” he said, “instead of suffering under those of the IMF and the World Bank, which are institutions of rich nations.” He added bluntly: “It is time to wake up.”

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    Obama's South Carolina Victory Speech

    Posted on Jan 27th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
    Esteemed ladies & gentlemen,

    This is just one of many, many reasons why I support this man . . . Transcript below . . .

    Obama's Victory Speech


    "Over two weeks ago, we saw the people of Iowa proclaim that our time for change has come.  But there were those who doubted this country’s desire for something new – who said Iowa was a fluke not to be repeated again. 

    Well, tonight, the cynics who believed that what began in the snows of Iowa was just an illusion were told a different story by the good people of South Carolina. 

    After four great contests in every corner of this country, we have the most votes, the most delegates, and the most diverse coalition of Americans we’ve seen in a long, long time.

    They are young and old; rich and poor.  They are black and white; Latino and Asian.  They are Democrats from Des Moines and Independents from Concord; Republicans from rural Nevada and young people across this country who’ve never had a reason to participate until now.  And in nine days, nearly half the nation will have the chance to join us in saying that we are tired of business-as-usual in Washington, we are hungry for change, and we are ready to believe again

    But if there’s anything we’ve been reminded of since Iowa, it’s that the kind of change we seek will not come easy.  Partly because we have fine candidates in the field – fierce competitors, worthy of respect.  And as contentious as this campaign may get, we have to remember that this is a contest for the Democratic nomination, and that all of us share an abiding desire to end the disastrous policies of the current administration. 

    But there are real differences between the candidates.  We are looking for more than just a change of party in the White House.  We’re looking to fundamentally change the status quo in Washington – a status quo that extends beyond any particular party.  And right now, that status quo is fighting back with everything it’s got; with the same old tactics that divide and distract us from solving the problems people face, whether those problems are health care they can’t afford or a mortgage they cannot pay. 

    So this will not be easy.  Make no mistake about what we’re up against.

    We are up against the belief that it’s ok for lobbyists to dominate our government – that they are just part of the system in Washington.  But we know that the undue influence of lobbyists is part of the problem, and this election is our chance to say that we’re not going to let them stand in our way anymore.

    We are up against the conventional thinking that says your ability to lead as President comes from longevity in Washington or proximity to the White House.  But we know that real leadership is about candor, and judgment, and the ability to rally Americans from all walks of life around a common purpose – a higher purpose.

    We are up against decades of bitter partisanship that cause politicians to demonize their opponents instead of coming together to make college affordable or energy cleaner; it’s the kind of partisanship where you’re not even allowed to say that a Republican had an idea – even if it’s one you never agreed with.  That kind of politics is bad for our party, it’s bad for our country, and this is our chance to end it once and for all.

    We are up against the idea that it’s acceptable to say anything and do anything to win an election.  We know that this is exactly what’s wrong with our politics; this is why people don’t believe what their leaders say anymore; this is why they tune out.  And this election is our chance to give the American people a reason to believe again.  

    And what we’ve seen in these last weeks is that we’re also up against forces that are not the fault of any one campaign, but feed the habits that prevent us from being who we want to be as a nation.  It’s the politics that uses religion as a wedge, and patriotism as a bludgeon.  A politics that tells us that we have to think, act, and even vote within the confines of the categories that supposedly define us.  The assumption that young people are apathetic.  The assumption that Republicans won’t cross over.  The assumption that the wealthy care nothing for the poor, and that the poor don’t vote.  The assumption that African-Americans can’t support the white candidate; whites can’t support the African-American candidate; blacks and Latinos can’t come together. 

    But we are here tonight to say that this is not the America we believe in.  I did not travel around this state over the last year and see a white South Carolina or a black South Carolina.  I saw South Carolina.  I saw crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children.  I saw shuttered mills and homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from all walks of life, and men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag.  I saw what America is, and I believe in what this country can be. 

    That is the country I see.  That is the country you see.  But now it is up to us to help the entire nation embrace this vision.  Because in the end, we are not just up against the ingrained and destructive habits of Washington, we are also struggling against our own doubts, our own fears, and our own cynicism.  The change we seek has always required great struggle and sacrifice.  And so this is a battle in our own hearts and minds about what kind of country we want and how hard we’re willing to work for it.  

    So let me remind you tonight that change will not be easy.  That change will take time. There will be setbacks, and false starts, and sometimes we will make mistakes.  But as hard as it may seem, we cannot lose hope.  Because there are people all across this country who are counting us; who can’t afford another four years without health care or good schools or decent wages because our leaders couldn’t come together and get it done. 

    Theirs are the stories and voices we carry on from South Carolina. 

    The mother who can’t get Medicaid to cover all the needs of her sick child – she needs us to pass a health care plan that cuts costs and makes health care available and affordable for every single American.

    The teacher who works another shift at Dunkin Donuts after school just to make ends meet – she needs us to reform our education system so that she gets better pay, and more support, and her students get the resources they need to achieve their dreams. 

    The Maytag worker who is now competing with his own teenager for a $7-an-hour job at Wal-Mart because the factory he gave his life to shut its doors – he needs us to stop giving tax breaks to companies that ship our jobs overseas and start putting them in the pockets of working Americans who deserve it.  And struggling homeowners.  And seniors who should retire with dignity and respect.

    The woman who told me that she hasn’t been able to breathe since the day her nephew left for Iraq, or the soldier who doesn’t know his child because he’s on his third or fourth tour of duty – they need us to come together and put an end to a war that should’ve never been authorized and never been waged. 

    The choice in this election is not between regions or religions or genders.  It’s not about rich versus poor; young versus old; and it is not about black versus white. 

    It’s about the past versus the future. 

    It’s about whether we settle for the same divisions and distractions and drama that passes for politics today, or whether we reach for a politics of common sense, and innovation – a shared sacrifice and shared prosperity. 

    There are those who will continue to tell us we cannot do this.  That we cannot have what we long for.  That we are peddling false hopes.

    But here’s what I know.  I know that when people say we can’t overcome all the big money and influence in Washington, I think of the elderly woman who sent me a contribution the other day – an envelope that had a money order for $3.01 along with a verse of scripture tucked inside.  So don’t tell us change isn’t possible.   

    When I hear the cynical talk that blacks and whites and Latinos can’t join together and work together, I’m reminded of the Latino brothers and sisters I organized with, and stood with, and fought with side by side for jobs and justice on the streets of Chicago.  So don’t tell us change can’t happen.   

    When I hear that we’ll never overcome the racial divide in our politics, I think about that Republican woman who used to work for Strom Thurmond, who’s now devoted to educating inner-city children and who went out onto the streets of South Carolina and knocked on doors for this campaign.  Don’t tell me we can’t change.  

    Yes we can change. 

    Yes we can heal this nation.

    Yes we can seize our future. 

    And as we leave this state with a new wind at our backs, and take this journey across the country we love with the message we’ve carried from the plains of Iowa to the hills of New Hampshire; from the Nevada desert to the South Carolina coast; the same message we had when we were up and when we were down – that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope; and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people in three simple words:

    Yes.  We.  Can."


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    An Historic Endorsement

    Posted on Jan 27th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith
    Kennedy

    It was announced yesterday that the daughter of President John F. Kennedy, Carolyne Kennedy-Schlossberg has endorsed Senator Barack Obama in an op-ed for the New York Times.

    There can be differing opinions about endorsements, whether they matter or not, whether they help or hurt a particular candidate.  Some endorsements are good, some don't matter at all,  and some can even hurt.

    For all Americans aged 50 or older . . . who can remember the Kennedy years, the tragedy of his assassination . . . this has tremendous significance.

    Here is her endorsement . . . in her own words . . .

    "Over the years, I’ve been deeply moved by the people who’ve told me they wished they could feel inspired and hopeful about America the way people did when my father was president. This sense is even more profound today. That is why I am supporting a presidential candidate in the Democratic primaries, Barack Obama.

    My reasons are patriotic, political and personal, and the three are intertwined. All my life, people have told me that my father changed their lives, that they got involved in public service or politics because he asked them to. And the generation he inspired has passed that spirit on to its children. I meet young people who were born long after John F. Kennedy was president, yet who ask me how to live out his ideals.

    Sometimes it takes a while to recognize that someone has a special ability to get us to believe in ourselves, to tie that belief to our highest ideals and imagine that together we can do great things. In those rare moments, when such a person comes along, we need to put aside our plans and reach for what we know is possible.

    We have that kind of opportunity with Senator Obama. It isn’t that the other candidates are not experienced or knowledgeable. But this year, that may not be enough. We need a change in the leadership of this country — just as we did in 1960.

    Most of us would prefer to base our voting decision on policy differences. However, the candidates’ goals are similar. They have all laid out detailed plans on everything from strengthening our middle class to investing in early childhood education. So qualities of leadership, character and judgment play a larger role than usual.

    Senator Obama has demonstrated these qualities throughout his more than two decades of public service, not just in the United States Senate but in Illinois, where he helped turn around struggling communities, taught constitutional law and was an elected state official for eight years. And Senator Obama is showing the same qualities today. He has built a movement that is changing the face of politics in this country, and he has demonstrated a special gift for inspiring young people — known for a willingness to volunteer, but an aversion to politics — to become engaged in the political process.

    I have spent the past five years working in the New York City public schools and have three teenage children of my own. There is a generation coming of age that is hopeful, hard-working, innovative and imaginative. But too many of them are also hopeless, defeated and disengaged. As parents, we have a responsibility to help our children to believe in themselves and in their power to shape their future. Senator Obama is inspiring my children, my parents’ grandchildren, with that sense of possibility.

    Senator Obama is running a dignified and honest campaign. He has spoken eloquently about the role of faith in his life, and opened a window into his character in two compelling books. And when it comes to judgment, Barack Obama made the right call on the most important issue of our time by opposing the war in Iraq from the beginning.

    I want a president who understands that his responsibility is to articulate a vision and encourage others to achieve it; who holds himself, and those around him, to the highest ethical standards; who appeals to the hopes of those who still believe in the American Dream, and those around the world who still believe in the American ideal; and who can lift our spirits, and make us believe again that our country needs every one of us to get involved.

    I have never had a president who inspired me the way people tell me that my father inspired them. But for the first time, I believe I have found the man who could be that president — not just for me, but for a new generation of Americans."

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    Caroline

    Posted on Jan 29th, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith



    "Caroline" - TV Ad


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    Fired Up, Ready to Go

    Posted on Jan 31st, 2008 by Keith : Gentle Soul Keith



    Fired Up, Ready to Go


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